Aknaszlatina (Solotwyno)

Ghetto Aknaszlatina (Solotwyno)


Übersicht

Ukraine, Oblast Transkarpatien, Rajon Tjatschiw

Ein tragischer Einschnitt für Transkarpatien bildete der März 1241, als die Horden des mongolischen Kriegsherrn Khan Batu über den Werezkij-Pass in die Karpaten eindrangen. Sie eroberten und zerstörten die Städte Mukatschewo, Uzhhorod, Tjatschiw, Solotwyno sowie zahlreiche Dörfer, zogen sich aber bereits 1242 wieder aus Ungarn zurück

1254 lud der ungarische König Bela IV. deutsche und italienische Kolonisten ein, um die von den Mongolen entvölkerten Gebiete neu zu besiedeln.

1551 fand in Transkarpatien der erste Streik im damaligen Einflussbereichs Ungarns statt. Die Arbeiter der Salzgrube in Solotwyno verließen ihre Gruben und erstellten ein Lager bei Nady Banya. Sie forderten die Verbesserung ihrer Lebensverhältnisse und die Aufhebung der Todesstrafe.

Die russische Armee marschierte 1914 in Transkarpatien ein. Nach dem Zerfall der Österreichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie im Jahr 1918 äusserten die Bewohner Transkarpatiens den Wunsch, sich der Ukraine anzuschliessen. 1919 wurde Transkarpatien jedoch der neu gebildeten Tschechoslowakischen Republik angegliedert und bildete als autonomes Gebiet – sogenannte «Pidkarpatska Rus» – einen Bestandteil der Tschechoslowakei. Die Eingliederung der Pidkarpatska Ruß in die Tschechoslowakische Republik 1919 hat neue Möglichkeiten für die Juden eröffnet. Der neugeschaffene Staat anerkannte alle Rechte der nationalen Minderheiten und jeder konnte sich ohne offensichtliche Diskriminierung zu seiner Identität bekennen. Laut der Statistik von 1921 lebten in Transkarpatien 93 341 Juden. In der ganzen Tschechoslowakei waren es 354 342 Juden, d.h jeder vierte wohnte in der Pidkarpatska Ruß.

Durch das Wiener Schiedsgericht vom 2. Oktober 1938 wurde der südwestliche Teil
Transkarpatiens mit den wichtigsten Städten Uschhorod und Mukatschewo wiederum Ungarn zugeteilt. Auf dem restlichen Territorium entstand die «Karpatska Ukraina» (Karpato-Ukraine) mit dem administrativen Zentrum in Chust. Doch die Unabhängigkeit war nur von kurzer Dauer, denn 1939 wurde die Karpato-Ukraine von den Ungarn erobert.

Im März 1939 wurde Aknaszlatina der ungarischen Verwaltung unterstellt. Die ungarische antijüdische Gesetzgebung wurde in der Region Karpato-Ukraine, in der der Solotwyno lag, strenger als im übrigen Ungarn durchgesetzt. Viele Juden galten fortan als Ausländer, da sie keinen ungarischen Pass erhielten.

Januar 1941 lebten in Aknaszlatina 2537 Juden (28 Prozent der Gesamtbevölkerung)
Die meisten Juden waren Handwerker oder waren Kleinhändler, viele arbeiteten in der holzverarbeitenden Industrie und im Holzhandel.

Die jüdische Gemeinde war orthodox.
Es gab verschiedene jüdische Glaubensrichtungen, die größte Gruppe war die der Sigeter Chassidim (Siget oder Ujhel-Siget oder Sighet Chassidismus oder Sigter Chassidim ist eine Bewegung der ungarischen Haredi Juden, und werden als Sigeter Chassidim bezeichnet.) Eine zweite Gruppe war die der Anhänger des Vishnitzer Chassidismus. (Die Vishnitzer gehören heute zu einer der größten chassidischen Gruppen Israels und sind vorwiegend in Bnei Brak angesiedelt, wo sie einen eigenen Stadtteil besitzen: Kiryat Vishnitz.)


Massaker von Kamenez-Podolsk (Kamjanez-Podilsky)


Massaker von Kamenez-Podolsk (Kamjanez-Podilsky) 28. August 1941

Im Sommer 1941 werden Dutzende armer jüdischer Familien, deren Mitglieder die ungarische Staatsbürgerschaft nicht nachweisen konnten auf Anordnung der ungarischen Behörden in die von der Wehrmacht besetzte Ukraine deportiert.
Der größte Teil der Deportierten kam am 27. oder 28. August 1941 bei Kamenez-Podolsk* gewaltsam zu Tode. (Beim Massaker von Kamenez-Podolsk (Kamjanez-Podilskyj ermordeten Angehörige des deutschen Polizeibataillons 320 und Mitglieder eines „Sonderaktionsstabes“ des Höheren SS- und Polizeiführers (HSSPF) Russland-Süd, SS-Obergruppenführer Friedrich Jeckeln, in der Nähe der westukrainischen Stadt Kamenez-Podolsk rund 23.600 Juden. Zuvor hatte das mit dem nationalsozialistischen Deutschen Reich verbündete Ungarn einen Großteil der Opfer in das von der Wehrmacht eroberte sowjetische Territorium deportiert. Das Massaker war die bis dahin größte Mordaktion des Holocaust. Nach späteren Ermittlungsergebnissen gehöten rund 30 Männer der SS und des SD sowie 12 Angehörige des Polizeibataillons 320 aus allen drei Kompanien zu den Schützen. Ein Angehöriger der 3. Kompanie des Polizeibataillons 320 berief sich auf die Haager Landkriegsordnung und ließ sich von der Aktion durch Hauptmann Heinrich Scharwcy befreien. Einige Historiker nehmen an. dass sich auch Ungarn und Ukrainer an den Erschießungen beteiligten. Andere bezweifeln zumindest die Beteiligung ungarischer Soldaten. Auch die Teilnahme ukrainischer Milizen an den Erschießungen gilt als unwahrscheinlich, da deutsche Täter später keine entsprechenden Aussagen machten.
Wehrmachtsoffiziere aus dem Stab von Karl von Roqucs sahen auf Einladung Jeckelns beim Massaker zu. Ernst-Anton von Krosigk informierte das Kommando der Heeresgruppe Süd am 2. September 1941 über die Zahl der Ermordeten. Debatten oder Proteste vermerkt das entsprechende Protokoll nicht. Der britische Geheimdienst. der den deutschen Polizeifunk abhörte. erfuhr dadurch offenbar ebenfalls über dieses Massaker und seine Ausmaße. Mitarbeiter der Außerordentlichen Staatlichen Kommission der Sowjetunion, die ab Ende 1942 die Verbrechen der deutsch-faschistischen Eindringlinge und ihrer Komplizen" erfassten und untersuchten, befragten Zeugen des Massakers und protokollierten ihre Aussagen dazu. Nur wenige Juden überleben das Massaker darunter Lajos Stern. ein Schwager von Jod Brand. Er floh zurück nach Ungarn und wurde dort Mitglied einer Delegation des Wohljahrtsbilros der ungarischen Juden (Magyar lzraelitdk Pcirtfogd Iroddja — MIPI). die Ferenc Keresztes-Fischer. den damaligen Innenminister Ungarns. detailliert über das Massaker informierte. Bina Umnblag wurde als jüdisches Kind Augenzeuge des Massakers und berichtete Jahrzehnte später in einem Interview davon. Gyula Spitz, ein ungarischer Jude aus Budapest. der in der ungarischen Armee als Kraftfahrer diente und zeitweise in Kamenez-Podolsk stationiert war, konnte das Massaker heimlich während einer Fahrt durch die Stadt fotografieren. Die Aufnahmen befinden sich heute im Besitz des United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.


Ghettoisierung und Deportation

Im Lauf der Jahre 1942/43 trafen viele Flüchtlinge aus Polen und der Slowakei ein und brachten Nachrichten über das Schicksal ihrer Landsleute. Unterdessen arbeiteten jüdische Zwangsarbeiter, die man in die ungarische Armee eingezogen hatte, in der Nähe von Aknaszlatina.

Laut einer in der zweiten Aprilwoche 1944 durchgeführten Zählung gehörten 2044 Juden der orthodoxen jüdischen Gemeinde von Aknaszlatina an.

Die Ghettoisierung und Deportation der Juden erfolgte aufgrund von Erlassen und Verordnungen der nationalen und kommunalen ungarischen Behörden. Die jüdischen Bewohner von Aknaszlatina wurden zwischen dem 17. und 20. April 1944 in Ghettos konzentriert. Ursprünglich hatten die ungarischen Behörden geplant, die Juden in dem Ghetto Mateszalka* zu internieren, entschieden sich aber letztlich doch dafür, in Aknaszlatina selbst ein Ghetto einzurichten, das mitten im Stadtzentrum entstand. Etwa 5000 Juden aus Aknaszlatina und der Umgebung lebten in dem mit 15 bis 20 Personen in einem Raum völlig überbelegten Ghetto.

Das Ghetto wurde von Ungarische Gendarmen und Mitglieder der Organisation Levente.
(Die 1921 für die schulentlassene männliche Generation zwischen 12 und 21 Jahren
eingeführte und 1939 verschärfte (12-23 Jahre) Leventepflicht schuf die Grundlage dazu, dass mehrere Hunderttausend Jugendliche einer neuartigen Erziehung unterzogen wurden, deren Ziele neben der nationalen und religiösen, ab Ende der 1930-er Jahre rassistisch-antisemitische Züge aufweisenden Erziehung im Sinne der neuen Staatsidee die Etablierung einer wehrfähigen Jugend, die Stärkung des angeschlagenen ungarischen Bewusstseins und nicht zuletzt die Assimilierung der „fremdvölkischen“ Elemente darstellten.

Die Ghetto-Bewohner wurden von den Angehörigen immer wieder gefoltert, bis diese die Verstecke ihrer Wertgegenstände verrieten. Sie schlugen Rabbi Chaim Eizik Halberstam, einen Flüchtling aus Dolina, Polen, damit er die Namen wohlhabender Juden preisgab, doch er blieb standhaft.

Die "Arbeitsfähigen Männer" wurden gruppenweise zur Zwangsarbeit abgeführt. Die Frauen putzten die Baracken der Gendarmerie und arbeiteten in der Küche für die deutschen Soldaten.

Am 20. Mai 1944 und 25. Mai 1944 werden (25. Mai 1944 3 317 Menschen) aus Aknaszlatina (Solotwyno) ins KL
Auschwitz deportiert.

Das Ghetto wurde am 25. Mai liquidiert.


Namensliste von Opfer

Lea Tanzmann
Die am 20.2.1923 geborene Lea Tanzmann stammt aus dem zur Zeit des Zweiten Weltkriegs zu Ungarn gehörenden Städtchen Slatinske Doly (heute Solotwyno, Uktaine). 1944 wurden die dort lebenden Juden ghettoisiert. Nach etwa einem Monat wurden sie nach Auschwitz deportiert. Ihre Eltern und ihre Brüder wurden dort in den Gaskammern ermordet. Lea Tanzmann war mit ihren beiden Schwestern Magda und Chedwa für einige Monate in Birkenau interniert. Dann deportierte man die drei Schwestern nach Bergen-Belsen. Dort wurden sie dann für das Außenkommando Rochlitz ausgewählt. In Rochlitz war Lea Tanzmann für etwa einen Monat Blockälteste. Nachdem Rochlitz aufgelöst wurde, kam sie ins Außenlager Graslitz, das circa einen Monat später aufgelöst wurde. Die Häftlinge wurden von der SS in Richtung Böhmerwald getrieben, wobei die nicht mehr gehfähigen erschossen wurden. Lea Tanzmann und ihre Schwestern überlebten den Marsch bis befreit wurden.
Nach dem Krieg wanderte Lea Tanzmann nach Israel aus.

Nyisz Miklós Dr.
Am 23. Mai 1944 wurde Dr. Nyiszli mit seiner Frau und 15-jährigen Tochter aus dem Ghetto Aknaszlatina nach Auschwitz-Birkenau deportiert, dort von seiner Familie getrennt und in das IG-Farben werksnahe Konzentrationslager Monowitz überstellt. Auf der Werksbaustelle wurde er in einem Betonkommando zu schwerer Zwangsarbeit herangezogen. Der erste SS-Lagerarzt von Monowitz suchte unter den Neuankömmlingen einige Pathologen für den Häftlingskrankenbau von Auschwitz-Bikenau. Von 50 Ärzten, die sich meldeten, wurden am 27. Juni 1944 drei nach Auschwitz-Birkenau überstellt, darunter auch Dr. Nyiszli. Eine Woche daraufwies man ihn als Pathologen des ersten Birkenauer Lagerarztes Dr. Josef Mengele in den neu eingerichteten Sektionsraum von Krematorium 1 ein. Im Rahmen der Auflösung des Konzentrationslagers Auschwitz wurde Nyiszli am 18. Januar 1945 ins Konzentrationslager Mauthausen verlegt, wo er im Nebenlager Melk als Hilfsarbeiter im Tunnelbau für unterirdische Rüstungsproduktionsanlagen arbeiten musste. Am 6. Mai 1945 wurde Miklós Nyiszli schließlich im Nebenlager Ebensee völlig entkräftet aus der Gefangenschaft befreit. Seine Frau und Tochter überlebten Auschwitz und Bergen-Belsen.
Kurz nach der Rückkehr in seine Heimat verfasste Dr. Nyiszli innerhalb von nur wenigen Monaten seinen Erinnerungsbericht, der 1946 in ungarischer Sprache unter dem Originaltitel: Ich war der Pathologe von Dr. Mengele im Auschwitzer Krematorium publiziert und bisher weltweit in acht Sprachen übersetzt wurde. Dr. Nyiszli praktizierte schließlich wieder als Arzt, als Pathologe wollte er jedoch nie wieder tätig sein. Miklós Nyiszli verstarb am 5. Mai 1956 in Rumänien nach langer Krankheit an einem Herzinfarkt.


Zeitzeugenbericht 1

Alsóapsa is a little community among the hills. It has 10,000 inhabitants, around 200 Jews lived here, who were craftsmen and tradesmen. Mostly they were poor Jews. Our parents were tradesmen and did very well particularly under Czech rule. March the 15th, 1939, the Hungarians came in, and with their first measures confiscated Jewish shops, banned Jews to pray in temples and caused harm to us in whatever way they could. In 1941, they deported 50 families, that is, 217 people into Poland. My father was in Pest in those days (Rózsi Adler says), to bring home the certificate of citizenship but when he returned to Alsóapsa he did not find everyone at home. Altogether they deported 40,000 Jews from Hungary into Poland this time. Hungarians claimed they were all Polish citizens but it was untrue. We were deported with my mother Mrs. Herman Adler, too. All six of us were young children: Sári Adler, Teréz Adler, Salamon, Helén, Izsák, and Henci. The major part of deported Jews were shot, some were taken into the ghetto of Stanislau. They threw many into the river Dnyeszter, cut the breasts of women, cut children into two and buried a lot of people alive. In our village they were the postman Csaholi, the second notary Mandrik, the chief constable Mihály Philipp, and the first notary Mihály Papp who initiated our deportation. They accepted our money when we offered it and promised to resolve our case but they let us down. They mostly deported the poor from the village. Before we were taken away my arm had broken so I hid money and gold in the plaster cast in the moments of deportation, what later saved our lives. Besides us, only 2 people got back to Alsóapsa out of the deported group; the rest had been killed. Between 1942-1944, we could live more peacefully. When Germans entered the country we had to put on yellow stars, could not travel by train and had to whitewash the windows of the house that were looking at the main street. 8 days later, gold, silver, money, typewriters and radios were to be handed over. This law was enforced by gendarmes led by first notary Mihály Papp, and by Csaholi. Mihály Papp had even the earrings plucked off the ears of little children. Jews tried to fight against this law but as soon as our money was seized we could not achieve anything any more. Locals acted really shamefully, they were glad to see the Jews would be deported. We tried to get typhus so that we would not be taken away so we drank salted coffee to have fever. This way we managed not to move into the ghetto for two weeks. The members of the Jewish Council József Landó and Zsida Vég did their best but could not help us. The decree about the ghetto was published the 29th of April. Papp, Csaholi, the teacher Valián, László Dudla and József Benedek escorted us into the ghetto aided by leventes. A family could take 50 kilos of food and 20 kilos of clothes and dishes. In the last minutes they searched the house and the women, and prepared an inventory of the possessions that remained in the house. The ghetto was in Aknaszlatina, it comprised 3 streets and was sealed off. Outside it was guarded by gendarmes, inside by Jewish policemen who had a white armband. In secret, Jewish policemen bought us food as we could not leave the ghetto. There were around 8,000 people kept here. Those who tried to help Jews or brought some food to us in return for lavish compensation or tried to hide a child were also grabbed and taken into the ghetto but of course they were let free later. Food supply was not provided us at all, only those could eat who had taken food from home. Once two girls escaped and ran home for food. They got so severely beaten up that they died. Many went into hiding into the bunkers of the mountains but when hungriness chased them out Christians immediately denounced them, and in the ghetto they cut a half cross in the hair of these women. They had to wear their hair like this every day, and were not allowed to cut the rest but had to wear this disgraceful sign. They told us we would go to work on the plain of Hortobágy, and the young would sustain the old with their work. They claimed they were going to deport us because the frontline was too close. We believed them. It was horrible to experience that authorities did not allow to bury a woman who died in the ghetto. The 22nd of May, they took us into the local school, searched us and took all our money, they even took our clothes leaving us only one change of clothes. They beat up a five-year-old boy so much that he got sick only because they found a pengő at him. On the 23rd of May they put us on train and we could not take anything with us. We were still convinced we were travelling to the Hortobágy to work. Deportation was carried out by gendarmes and leventes helped by Hungarian civilians who volunteered. The last day László Dudla told Margit Lebovits that she would never see her home country again if they take her away from the ghetto. When gendarmes took us to the freight cars they beat us where they could, chased us and trod on the fallen people. There were 70 of us in one car. They gave us a bucket of water, a bucket for the toilet and 4 loaves of bread for 70 people. There were cars where there was not any bucket for the toilet. We travelled for 3 days. Children were begging for water but there was no water. The train headed towards Kassa but we noticed already at Királyhágo that we were not going to get to the Hortobágy. We lost all our hope. In Kassa they opened the cars and Hungarians handed us over to the Germans. Earlier, Hungarians searched us again and seized a lot of money. Here, we already knew they were going to bring us into Germany but had no idea we would get into a death camp. Two women escaped through the windows (they opened the wires) but were caught and taken back to us later. On the way they were shooting in the air all night long and we were worried they were shooting the passengers of the other freight cars. In the evening a German SS soldier entered and ordered us to give him everything we had as all men of the car would be seized and killed if they find as much as 2 fillérs. We gave him what we still had and as we did not have the courage to give them money we ate a part of it and burnt the other part. The 26th of May, we arrived into ill-fated Auschwitz. During the morning, they made us stay in the freight car; we were greeted by Polish Jewish boys who talked German and advised us to leave the children with the elderly. On the station there were 2 doctors waiting for us, Mengele and his companion, who selected the old, the sick and also took many of those who were holding the hand of their elderly mothers. The school mistress Judit Lebovits and her brother Malvin were leading the children of her sister-in-law holding them by both her hands and when she did not want to put the crying children down, she also had to keep with the old. Mengele said it was not a problem, the whole family would reunite in the evening. Children, the old and the sick were immediately away taken into the crematorium. Children were thrown into the fire alive, the old were only partially gassed. In the lobby of the gas chambers there were numbered clothes hangers. Those who entered were warned to memorise the number of their hanger but no one ever returned. We, the young were led into a bathroom, where I had to undress in front of German men and had to leave all my clothes there. They cut our hair, we were shaved and got bad striped clothes with a sign of a white cross without underwear and shawl. We looked so terribly that fathers, sons, and brothers staying the neighbouring camp did not recognise us in the evening. Leaving the baths we saw great smoke and flames. We asked what it was. They told us there was a factory here and now they were burning the rags that remained from the transports. We believed it for a few weeks but later we had to realise what the heartbreaking truth was when we saw nude people taken into gas chambers. Six crematoria did not suffice them. They dug also holes, made fire there and burnt people alive. There was a selection each time a transport arrived. Every day we had medical visit in the lager, which also meant a new selection. Who was slim, had pimples or put a bandage on a painful point of his body or put wad into his or her ears was at once taken away. In our camp of children it happened more than once that when someone was selected as frail often also his or her brothers and sisters left. The youngest in our place were 15-year-old but even 20-year-old girls claimed they were only 16. This was the only way we could stay alive, too. During the night we saw huge fire in different points and felt an awful smell coming from the direction of fire. One night I saw on a car grown up men and on two vehicles bigger children completely nude. They were crammed like herrings and were crying and shouting. Oh, God, Crematorium , why do they take our life so early?! But SS showed no mercy. If one day no transport arrived they took victims from the camp into the crematoria. Gas chambers were never empty. Transports arrived day and night, from Slovakia, Hungary, France, Poland, and Italy. Every morning between 4 and 7 there was an Appell.
We queued up five of us in a line and were waiting for the SS. In the evening we did the same. If someone was missing we had to stay on knees all the night and if they found the missing person he or she was taken into the gas chambers right away. There were very many suicides. People only needed to touch the wires surrounding the camp which conducted electricity. Many died this way out of those who could not stand the miseries any more. Pregnant women were asked to report their pregnancy so that they would get extra ration, bread and margarine, which they did indeed receive a few times till they were taken into the gas chambers on Mengele s order. The 1st of November, we got to Ravensbrück with a transport of labourers, where we were already treated in a more human way. We got numbers and these numbers were our names. One day the head of an aircraft plant Henckel came here and selected labour force. This is how we got to Barthe, where we worked very hard, 14 hours a day. We had to wake up at 4,30 am and the Appell lasted until 6,30 am. We worked from 7 till 12,30, then we had lunch and went on working till 8,30 pm. We suffered a lot from cold. Food was bad without grease and salt. We got only cabbage or turnip and 150 grams of bread. We were very content in Barthe as we just got out of a death camp but the other workers of 16 different nations grumbled because they had no idea what Auschwitz meant. We had to go to the plant till the very last day although there was already no electricity. The 22nd of April there was no Appell. First, we did not know what it meant but later we saw that civilians started to escape and SS soldiers left with them till the evening, when there was an Appell again. Now, the Kommandoführerin told us to group according to nationalities. We were in despair as we did not know what would happen to us. At 8,30 pm it was dark and we did not see anyone when the Germans started to bomb the factory. We were very scared as bombs were falling just a few steps from us. We could not escape as we were surrounded by electric wires. We were given some food and Germans forced us to start marching. In 6 hours we did 40 kilometres, then realised that our commanders stayed behind as they wanted to shoot those who came slower but 10 minutes later the Kommando ran away. There was no more Appell and we were saved. We hid in the forest next to Ribnitz and waited for the Russians. Russians then gave us food and clothes. In Neubrandenburg we met a Czech soldier who was heading towards Prague from where they sent 40 cars for us. There were 700 Czechs and 200 Jews in this transport. In Prague we were treated very well, we got money and clothes from the Joint, we lacked nothing. If we had wished to, we could also have stayed there. Now we go home to look for our relatives, then we want to leave together with them for our own homeland Palestine, and start a new life.


Zeitzeugenbericht 2

Our little village is 8 kilometres from Aknaszlatina. We lived quietly and happily, many of us found jobs in the industry. Until the 19th of March, there was peace in our hearts. Afterwards, we started running up and down like ants, waiting for a miracle to happen, but it unfortunately remained only a dream. Already in the beginning, we were forced to wear stars. Local peasants behaved shamefully with us. They were antisemites, they were the cause of our suffering. The memory of the notary of the village Mihály Phillip lives in our minds as the memory of an evil person. It was he who forced gendarmes to cut our hair already at this phase. And when we had to leave our flats and gather in the school, midwives searched for gold, money and jewellery and they made us suffer ruthlessly. Two days later, we had to go into the ghetto in Aknaszlatina in the pouring rain. We stayed there for three weeks. There were 6-7,000 people crammed into the houses of 5 streets. The ghetto had a plank fence; and it was not allowed to send in food, so starvation started already here. On the 25th of May, gendarmes herded us together with our luggage into a huge garden. They beat us with their rifle butts. Blood was pouring also on the tormented face of my father; his beard was cut off. If anyone put down his or her luggage they could not lift it any more. They had to leave it there. Later, they once again shoved us into a school where we had to undress entirely, and they did not leave much of the belongings we still had. They seized even the combs and soup. Entrainment started only afterwards. They crammed 135 people into a freight car and drilled holes into the sides so that we got some fresh air. There was not much water either. In Kassa they handed us over to SS soldiers. After three days of horrible travel we arrived in Birkenau, where they selected us. The young had to move to the left side, mothers with children, the sick and the old to the right side. As I later learnt, they were killed with gas and burnt in the crematoria. They took me into the baths, shaved my body after the bath and seized everything I had. We got clothes that touched the ground so we looked like orphans. Later, they put us up in blocks with 1000 places. 14 people stayed on a single berth suffering through the horrors of terrifying nights. They woke us up at 3 am, and we had to stay erect during roll call, often for 12 hours. Many of us collapsed from tiredness and weakness. Rations were little: we got coffee, barley gruel and 200 grams of bread. I carried bricks for three months before I got into the kitchen. Here, I had a much better life, I could help my companions: I stole some extra bread for them and other kinds of food. Once, they caught me at it and severely punished me. I had to creep on my knees for an hour with a huge stone kept in my hands above the shoulders. Three months later, they took us to Markleeberg, where we prepared aircraft parts in the Junker plant. Treatment was good here. There were 1,600 women working here. We got factory supplies: coffee, soup, bread, margarine, or sausage. On the 13th of April, the head of the camp gave us a long talk: Tomorrow, you will get liberated and can go home. Unfortunately, it did not happen the following day. We formed troops, and we walked for three weeks without food. We took out raw potatoes from the soil and ate it. Naturally, everyone fell sick from it. That was how we dragged ourselves all the way to Theresienstadt, and stayed there till Russians demolished the walls of the ghetto. And through our sobs, we kissed the ground our liberators walked on.


Nach Kriegsende

Nach Kriegsende verzichtete die Tschechoslowakei auf ihre Ansprüche auf
Transkarpatien zu Gunsten der UdSSR. In den Jahren der Perestroika unter Gorbatschow stellte die ukrainische Regierung einen treibenden Faktor bei der Auflösung der Sowjetunion dar. Anfang Dezember 1991 sprachen sich 90 Prozent der ukrainischen Bevölkerung für die Unabhängigkeit der Ukraine aus.

In Solotwyno sind heute die Schilder dreisprachig, dem ukrainischen "Solotwyno“ und dem rumänischen „Slatina“ gesellt sich das ungarische „Aknaszlatina“ hinzu.